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	<title>Mustafa Qadri &#187; Sufism</title>
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		<title>After the Lahore shrine bombings, nothing seems sacred</title>
		<link>http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/articles/after-the-lahore-shrine-bombings-nothing-seems-sacred/</link>
		<comments>http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/articles/after-the-lahore-shrine-bombings-nothing-seems-sacred/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 02 Jul 2010 10:05:10 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>mustafa</dc:creator>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/?p=611</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Pakistan must reverse its policy of sitting idle as Islamists blur the line between legitimate civil society and militancy

Mustafa Qadri,
guardian.co.uk,  Friday 2 July 2010 16.04 BST

After last night's bombings in Lahore, an ancient sanctuary, which for centuries was a place for prayer and meditation, has been rudely introduced to Pakistan's very modern conflict. Nothing short of a shift in national culture will rescue the soul of Pakistan's Islamic traditions.]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><span style="font-size: small;"><span></p>
<h1><span style="font-size: small;">Pakistan must reverse its policy of sitting idle as Islamists blur the line between legitimate civil society and militancy</span></h1>
<p><strong style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="http://guardian.co.uk/profile/mustafaqadri">Mustafa Qadri</a></span><span style="font-weight: normal;">,<br />
</span></strong><a href="http://guardian.co.uk"><span style="font-weight: normal;">guardian.co.uk</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">,  Friday 2 July 2010 16.04 BST</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">After last night&#8217;s </span><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jul/02/suicide-bombers-kill-dozens-pakistan-shrine"><span style="font-weight: normal;">bombings in Lahore</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">, an ancient sanctuary, which for centuries was a place for prayer and meditation, has been rudely introduced to Pakistan&#8217;s very modern conflict. Nothing short of a shift in national culture will rescue the soul of Pakistan&#8217;s Islamic traditions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">In these troubled times of bombings, heatwaves and chronic power shortages, millions have flocked to the shrines of the mystic saints, trying to cajole good fortune out of arguably the most unfortunate period in our country&#8217;s history. No saint is more venerated than Dhata Ganj Baksh, the great mystical Muslim saint of the 11th century, who is buried in Lahore. When twin blasts exploded in his mausoleum they destroyed more than just the lives of 43 people and their families.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">A Muslim believes his or her fate is already written. Many will now be wondering what they have done to deserve this punishment. Others,</span><a href="http://www.english.rfi.fr/asia-pacific/20100702-suicide-bombs-kill-42-lahore-not-taliban-attack"><span style="font-weight: normal;">including the Taliban</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">, have immediately blamed </span><a href="http://dailymailnews.com/0710/02/FrontPage/index1.php"><span style="font-weight: normal;">foreign powers</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Many </span><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/pakistanis-blame-us-after-shrine-attack-kills-42/article1626200/"><span style="font-weight: normal;">blame the US</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;"> for bringing conflict to their region. This is not entirely misplaced – terrorism has increased, not abated, ever since the Obama administration escalated the &#8220;AfPak&#8221; conflict against al-Qaida and the Taliban by ramping up troop numbers and drone strikes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">But, even so, this latest massacre will make even more Pakistanis abdicate responsibility for reforming our society.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Dhata&#8217;s shrine has not changed much since I first visited it as a child three decades ago, only now the pacific ambience has been somewhat ruined by the security guards and metal detectors, which did disturbingly little to prevent the attacks.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Like the Haj pilgrimage, a visit to Dhata&#8217;s shrine is a humbling experience. Rich and poor, men and women, all mingle amid the crowded mass. Sadly, this also made it the perfect target for a suicide bombing.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">It cannot be a coincidence that the attacks came just over a month after the </span><a title="Guardian: British entrepreneur killed in attack on Pakistan mosque" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/may/31/british-pakistan-mosque-bomb"><span style="font-weight: normal;">slaughter</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;"> of about 90 people in two mosques belonging to the Ahmadi minority sect. Although there has been far greater coverage and condemnation this time around than back in May, the fact that both a minority sect and mainstream Sufi Muslims have been targeted proves that our shared Islamic heritage is a threat to those behind the violence.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Hitherto reluctant to expand the military conflict to Punjab, Pakistan&#8217;s army will feel the pressure of local and international demands to do precisely that. But any response dominated by military means would be a disaster, creating even greater instability and, as more civilians are killed by the army&#8217;s rough anvil, undoubtedly create more insurgents and leading to more bombings. This is a matter for civil authorities – the provincial and federal government, the police and the courts – to take the lead.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Now more than ever, Pakistan must institute a clear and effective system for the regulation of its religious seminaries, mosques and Islamic welfare organisations. A recent government proposal to </span><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jul/01/pakistan-law-curb-media"><span style="font-weight: normal;">restrict coverage</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">of the violence and criticism of the state is a backward step.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">True, Punjab has become saturated with welfare fronts for jihadist groups involved in violence here and in neighbouring India. But part of the problem is that Islamic welfare organisations with links to jihadists have stepped in where the state has been absent, providing meals, education and medical services to poor citizens who would otherwise go without.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">This does not mean that we are a population of jihadists; rather, that the state has either sat idle or aided Islamists as they deliberately blurred the line between legitimate civil society and militancy. The state must proactively begin the long, slow and difficult process of rolling this back.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">As I&#8217;ve argued before, one of the key reasons the public has rallied against the militants is a sense that those behind the attacks are not Islamists or even Pakistanis, but foreigners. This mindset creates a dangerous conspiracy theory culture, but it does have one clear advantage. It is difficult for most to be critical of something that is sacred to them, such as their faith. But in blaming outsiders for the violence, people demonstrate their rejection of violence, which they consider antithetical to Islam. Of course, that rejection is at times somewhat hypocritical. Consider, for instance, those who blamed India for the anti-Ahmadi attack in May while giant religious banners openly called the Ahmadi </span><a href="http://www.hvk.org/articles/0610/23.html"><span style="font-weight: normal;">apostates worthy of death</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Lahore has been filled with protests from religious parties, shopkeepers and others throughout today. As it is Friday, the mosques have been crowded with worshippers listening to their local imams railing against the violence with varying degrees of hyperbole and prescience.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">Then there is the voice of Dhata Ganj Baksh, a preacher born in Persia, who went on an astonishing lifelong journey through the Middle East and central Asia before ending his days in Lahore. Dhata&#8217;s lyrical poetry, laced heavily with notions of love, the ephemeral beauty and power of God, and the necessity of humility in worldly affairs, transformed him into a legend for well over 10 centuries. We would do well to honour the spirit behind the verse.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">[Published on The Guardian's Comment Is Free Website here: </span><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/jul/02/lahore-shrine-bombings-pakistan"><span style="font-weight: normal;">http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/jul/02/lahore-shrine-bombings-pakistan</span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;">]</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span> </span></p>
<p></span></span></h1>
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		<title>Pakistan&#8217;s mixed blessings</title>
		<link>http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/articles/pakistans-mixed-blessings/</link>
		<comments>http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/articles/pakistans-mixed-blessings/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 07 Jun 2010 09:52:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>mustafa</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ahmadiyya]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[mystacism]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/?p=610</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Violence and uncertainty in Pakistan are driving increasing numbers of people to seek solace in superstition and prayer

Mustafa Qadri,
guardian.co.uk, Monday 7 June 2010 07.59 BST

More and more Pakistanis are looking to prayer for protection in these troubled times. In the absence of credible, secular options, the fatalism this generates is a mixed blessing.]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal"><strong>Violence and uncertainty in Pakistan are driving increasing numbers of people to seek solace in superstition and prayer</strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="http://guardian.co.uk/profile/mustafaqadri">Mustafa Qadri</a>,<br />
<a href="http://guardian.co.uk/">guardian.co.uk</a>, Monday 7 June 2010 07.59 BST</p>
<p>More and more<span> </span><a title="Guardian: Pakistan" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/pakistan"><span>Pakistan</span></a>is are looking to prayer for protection in these troubled times. In the absence of credible, secular options, the fatalism this generates is a mixed blessing.</p>
<p><span>For most of this year my wife has been seriously ill. When successive health professionals failed to determine what was causing the malaise, relatives consulted an imam in Lahore. When told of her symptoms, he advised that she may very well be suffering the dreaded &#8220;evil eye&#8221; – a curse caused by black magic, an ancient source of trouble typically practised by envious or resentful others.</span></p>
<p><span>To ward off the curse, the imam instructed my wife to avoid eating beef and eggs, and told her father and me to swirl a bowl of dal and five eggs counter-clockwise above her head while reciting a verse from the Qur&#8217;an. Once this was completed, we were told to throw the eggs and dal into nearby bushes and walk away, careful not to gaze at where the contents of the bowl lay.</span></p>
<p><span>A born sceptic, I was certain that this ritual would not heal my wife. To be sure, her discomfort has only been eased, albeit incrementally, by a more modern form of ritual – the neuro-ontologist&#8217;s prescription of rest and a healthy diet avoiding caffeine and dairy products.</span></p>
<p><span>Yet for my family, the imam&#8217;s curse-busting commands have visibly helped. My wife&#8217;s father has been left with a sense of control, a feeling that, at the very least, something is being done to help his daughter recover.</span></p>
<p><span>Uncertainty is an inherent part of the human experience, but in Pakistan much of what a reader in Britain might take for granted is far from certain. How long will the electricity last today? Where will the next bomb go off? And, for most who do not inhabit my privileged world, will I be able to afford the right medication if I fall ill? The profound loss of control felt by long-term illness sufferers and their loved ones has become a countrywide phenomenon in Pakistan.</span></p>
<p><span>The situation has exacerbated our cultural tendency to avow causation in favour of fate and the rewards of prayer. Whether looking for a job, waiting anxiously for exam results or willing the national cricket team to victory, prayer has become a kneejerk source of solace and comfort in difficult times. Holy men, or<span> </span><em><span>pirs</span></em>, and local soothsayers have for generations made a career out of selling their prayers to those in need.</span></p>
<p><span>And why not? Doing the right thing, like expecting to get a plum job without working family contacts, rarely seems to lead to results in our country. During my travels I have met several academically bright students from middle-class backgrounds who complain they cannot get into top university courses because wealthier classmates have paid to gain entrance. The experience for the millions below the middle class, who could never dream of a university education, is even more dire.</span></p>
<p><span>So dire, in fact, that although the resort to prayer to ward of curses is more associated with Pakistan&#8217;s<span> </span><a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/subdivisions/sufism_1.shtml"><span>Sufi</span></a><span> </span>Muslim traditions, they are widely practised even among those more influenced by rigid<span> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deobandi"><span>Deobandi</span></a><span> </span>or Gulf Arab<span> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salafi"><span>Salafist</span></a><span> </span>interpretations, albeit more quietly these days.</span></p>
<p><span>In fact, the resort to prayer and fear of curses is a subcontinent-wide tendency, as demonstrated by the fact that Pakistan&#8217;s minority non-Muslim communities practise similar rituals of their own. Even the Taliban have spread rumours of their mystical support to persuade villagers in the country&#8217;s north-west to support them. According to one rumour, a colleague from the tribal areas told me last year, a woman gave birth to a demon that lived long enough only to warn the population not to support the army&#8217;s battle against the Taliban.</span></p>
<p><span>This mix of uncertainty and superstition puts a fatalistic streak into our national consciousness reflected in what I would call the<span> </span><em><span>inshallah</span></em>complex. &#8220;<em><span>Inshallah</span></em>&#8221; (the Arabic term for &#8220;God willing&#8221;) is liberally used by Muslims the world over to describe a broad sweep of aspirations including hope and despair. If the handyman wants to avoid promising to fix your broken generator promptly he is bound to say<span> </span><em><span>inshallah</span></em>. Whenever relatives call to ask if my wife&#8217;s health has improved, I always say &#8230;<span> </span><em><span>inshallah</span></em>.</span></p>
<p><span>As useful as the<span> </span><em><span>inshallah</span></em><span> </span>complex is, however, it does risk lulling us into a false sense of invisibility. That is why we have become blind to the apartheid-like persecution of our minorities or the epidemic proportions of violence against women. As much as people were shocked by the recent<span> </span><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/10190389.stm"><span>massacre of more than 90 Ahmadiyya Muslims</span></a><span> </span>at their mosque, for example, many nevertheless believe they are apostates bound for hell. With violence becoming increasingly endemic in our society, it is becoming harder to understand it in rational terms.</span></p>
<p><span>How do we break this blindness when our society is already so shattered? As<span> </span><a href="http://fiverupees.blogspot.com/2010/06/blaming-victims-my-response-to.html"><span>one popular blogger noted</span></a>, for decades Pakistan&#8217;s liberal-minded community has tried and largely failed to break it. Be that as it may, it is nevertheless better to have limited success than the oblivion of endless, vacuous sermons by imams extolling the virtues of fatalism and jihad.</span></p>
<p><span>Perhaps our harsh reality is too brutal without a filter. But so long as that filter is prayer and superstition, little will separate blessing from curse.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[Published on The Guardian’s Comment Is Free website here: <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/jun/07/pakistan-violence-superstition-prayer">http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/jun/07/pakistan-violence-superstition-prayer</a>]</p>
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		<title>The Taliban&#8217;s War Against Muslims</title>
		<link>http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/articles/the-talibans-war-against-muslims/</link>
		<comments>http://mustafaqadri.net/wp/articles/the-talibans-war-against-muslims/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 01 Sep 2008 02:45:26 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>mustafa</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islam]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Nawaz Sharif]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA["The Taliban's War Against Muslims" NewMatilda.com 1 September 2008
(The Taliban claims to be a Muslim movement but most of its victims are Muslims, writes Mustafa Qadri from Islamabad)]]></description>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><strong><span style="font-size: 14pt;">The Taliban&#8217;s War Against Muslims</span></strong></p>
<p class="byline">By Mustafa Qadri</p>
<p class="abstract"><strong>The Taliban claims to be a Muslim movement but most of its victims are Muslims, writes Mustafa Qadri from Islamabad</strong></p>
<p>Since the start of this year a range of pro-Taliban militant groups in Pakistan&#8217;s North Western Frontier Province have been calling themselves Tehreek-e-Taliban. The party claims to represent the Taliban &#8220;brand&#8221; in Pakistan. According to the literature pumped out of their Peshawar media offices they are fighting to protect Islam and spread their strict Deobandi interpretation over all of Pakistan.</p>
<p>But if Tehreek-e-Taliban is judged by actions and not words it is hard to avoid the conclusion that they are at war with ordinary Muslims.</p>
<p>Consider the Taliban&#8217;s string of victims this year alone. Only two weeks ago a suicide attack on the Pakistan Army&#8217;s main munitions facility near the ancient Buddhist ruins of Taxila killed 70 and injured more than one hundred. All of those killed were common, working Muslims. So too were the people killed by another Taliban suicide bomber when he blew himself up at the casualty ward of a hospital in Dera Ismail Khan in the NWFP.</p>
<p>The hospital was targeted because it was offering immunisation to children, something the movement believes is prohibited under Islam. It gives the same reasoning for destroying at least one, but usually several, girls&#8217; schools every week. This in a country with a female literacy rate as low as 36 per cent.</p>
<p>Such acts do not impair US or NATO policies in Pakistan. Rather, the Taliban&#8217;s fellow Muslims suffer from crimes considered unconscionable even among mainstream orthodox Muslims.</p>
<p>Pakistan&#8217;s slain former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto implied as much after she survived the first attempt on her life in October last year. &#8220;The people who planned the assassination attack on me are not Muslim,&#8221; decried Bhutto. &#8220;No Muslim can attack a woman. No Muslim can attack innocent people.&#8221;</p>
<p>Yet such statements stand in glaring opposition to most of Pakistan&#8217;s political and religious leadership which, while routinely condemning its violence, has generally avoided challenging the Taliban&#8217;s credentials as a Muslim movement. Many leaders, like <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamiat_Ulema-e-Islam" target="_blank">Jamiat-Ulema-Islami</a>&#8216;s Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman and former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, prefer to focus on deaths caused by Western forces in the NWFP and Afghanistan. Their message is a popular one in Pakistan: the Taliban may not be loved, but the real criminals are foreign interlopers.</p>
<p>Many different factors shape this noticeable double standard. It is partially explained by popular resentment towards the presence of Western armies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The United States and NATO follow in a long line of foreign powers that claimed to be bringing order to the region but have instead killed many civilians while serving their own interests and failing to respect local mores.</p>
<p>Some Pakistanis believe the Taliban insurgency is the latest in an old heritage of anti-colonial militancy stretching back to the mid-19th century uprisings against British rule. In contrast, the Pakistan Army is seen as an agent of the US. That perception was exacerbated by former President Musharraf when he offered unflinching support for US intervention in the region. Under Musharraf, the US established a massive air base near Quetta, just south of the NWFP, from which it launches airstrikes in Pakistan and Afghanistan with impunity. It is arguable that Musharraf was left with little choice after September 11, but that, understandably, counts for little among Pakistanis.</p>
<p>People also remember Pakistan&#8217;s role as conduit for America&#8217;s proxy war with the Soviets in Afghanistan during the 1980s. That war developed the infrastructure that the Taliban now uses to prosecute its campaign. This feeds the belief that the present conflict is America&#8217;s doing, not Pakistan&#8217;s responsibility.</p>
<p>Moreover, Pakistan&#8217;s war with the Taliban has <a href="http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/STRI-7HQQHG?OpenDocument&amp;rc=3&amp;cc=pak" target="_blank">displaced up to 300,000</a> in the NWFP alone. So too have US and NATO missile strikes, although to a much lesser extent. This has nurtured sympathy for the Taliban at a time when many Pakistanis feel besieged by the US and India, which continues to grow economically and in regional clout.</p>
<p>Complicating matters further is the fact that the conflict is not merely a battle between the Taliban, with Pakistani support, and the armies of Afghanistan, the US and NATO. That conflict is but one strand of a complex conflagration that includes militant groups either supported or opposed by Pakistan&#8217;s military establishment and rival tribes involved in regional disputes that have been co-opted into the wider conflict (such as in the NWFP&#8217;s <a href="http://www.app.com.pk/en_/index.php?option=com_content&amp;task=view&amp;id=50999&amp;Itemid=2" target="_blank">Kurram Agency</a>).</p>
<p>The lack of clearly distinguishable friends and foes has made it difficult for both Pakistan&#8217;s politicians and the general population to single out the Taliban for the atrocities it has committed. As a result, many in Pakistan live in denial as to the existence and motives of Tehreek-e-Taliban. &#8220;There is no Tehreek-e-Taliban,&#8221; says Asif, a musician from Lahore, &#8220;this is a civil war [but] they don&#8217;t want to tell people that.&#8221;</p>
<p>Others, like Mahmoud, a Karachi rickshaw driver, openly support the Taliban. &#8220;They are holy warriors, true Muslims.&#8221; People like Mahmoud believe the Wah suicide attacks were justified. &#8220;[The people killed or injured] deserved their fate for serving the interests of America and the Jews. The [Pakistan] Army has killed so many in [the NWFP] and in the <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/jul/11/pakistan.declanwalsh" target="_blank">Red Mosque</a> &#8230; according to our faith those who do not obey Islam are no longer Muslim and it is lawful to kill them.&#8221;</p>
<p>But such sympathies are starting to be challenged. A large demonstration was held in Wah after the suicide attacks and shops were closed in the town immediately afterward in protest. In several parts of the NWFP people are forming armed squads to take on the Taliban. Like the popular backlash against Islamic militancy in Algeria during the 1990s, the tide may be starting to turn against the Taliban.</p>
<p>Many see the Taliban for what it is: a violent, extremist organisation whose targeting of girls&#8217; schools and civilians has no place in the subcontinent&#8217;s traditionally moderate Muslim traditions. &#8220;Islamic faith spread [in the subcontinent] through the Sufi tradition [of] inclusiveness, embracing local traditions and religious concepts,&#8221; notes Ayesha Jalal.</p>
<p>Pakistan&#8217;s Islam &#8211; with its numerous sects, interpretations and saints &#8211; cannot coexist with the Taliban&#8217;s creed.</p>
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